Nov 1111 min read

Tackling the Toughest Barrier for Girls: Social Norms

Updated: Nov 12

There are a number of well-known factors that work to constrain a girl’s ability to meaningfully attend, participate in and complete school, such as:

Excessive cooking, cleaning, collecting water, caring for siblings and other chores
Having brothers’ educations prioritised, particularly if funds are limited
Being forced to marry at a young age
Sexual abuse or transaction, which can involve rape and subsequent pregnancy

Although the occurrence and degree of these and other factors varies by context, they are all underpinned by one thing: social norms.

Given the power and ubiquity of social norms, it is not surprising that their study spans a number of different disciplines, including psychology, sociology, economics, gender studies, health, law and marketing, amongst others. This blog is not aligned with one particular discipline, but instead builds on a range of concepts and ideas that are most relevant to norms affecting girls’ education. It examines the structure of norms and how they operate, entry points and pathways for shifting attitudes and behaviour, and lessons learned regarding strategies that work, don’t work and why.

Overall, this piece was born from a dissatisfaction with interventions that rely on the implicit assumption that ‘raising awareness’ is enough to prompt meaningful changes in behaviour. Although awareness and critical thinking around a norm is important, given the structures that entrench norms, the spectrum of norm acceptance amongst individuals, and the powerful reward and sanctioning mechanisms that affect behaviour, a more nuanced and holistic approach is required. I hope that this blog will contribute to this end.

How norms affect behaviour – the nested nature of gender norms

Social norms have been described as the invisible ‘guard rails’ that shape and narrow people's thinking, actions and opportunities. Gender norms are a sub-set of social norms that shape people’s thinking and behaviour based on their gender (Harper et al., 2020).

These gendered guard rails are often mediated through peer groups throughout childhood and adolescence, and into adulthood (John et al., 2017). Peer groups are often referred to as ‘reference groups’ and an individual can belong to a number of groups based on their varying identities. Each group can also entail different attitudes and behaviours, as variations of gender norms occur within different social classes, ethnicities, religious affiliations, rural/urban locations, amongst others (Connell and Pearce, 2014).

Figure 1 illustrates how macro-level gender norms provide the invisible guard rails for how a meso-level reference group thinks and acts, and how an individual’s thinking and behaviour is nested within this. Bell and Cox (2015) note that one of the most powerful ways that meso-groups influence an individual’s behaviour is through rewarding compliance with a norm (such as social acceptance and approval) or sanctioning an individual’s resistance towards a norm through disapproval, gossip, ostracism, and/or prompting guilt, shame or fear.

It should be noted that an individual’s attitudes and beliefs are not always a predictor of their behaviour – people can think one thing yet do another. For example, Barker et al., (2011) note that men generally support gender equality in the abstract while resisting it in practice. This is because a man might believe that a division of domestic labour is fair, yet not cook or clean due to peer group sanctions of disapproval or mocking. That said, such sanctions are only dispensed when behaviour is observed, which is why individual thoughts and beliefs may avoid sanction, particularly if these are not shared. This indicates an entry point for change, which is discussed in the following sections.

The complex nature of norms that affect girls’ education

With regard to behaviour that affects girls’ ability to attend, participate and complete education, the processes of reward and sanction are most applicable to the actions of gatekeepers such as parents, communities and teachers. These actors could be viewed as ‘operators’ or implementers of gender norms, as their direct actions affect the degree to which girls can engage in education. In some cases, girls themselves can also be operators of gender norms that may not be in their best interests. For example, a girl may sanction herself, as well as her peers, if she does not comply with the norms of doing domestic chores, prioritising brothers, or even undergoing female genital mutilation, which is often viewed as a right of passage and preparation for womanhood.

The following sections unpack the structures and individual characteristics that affect the degree to which a norm is embedded, pointing towards ways in which resistance and contestation may be facilitated.

What makes gender norms so powerful?

There are a number of macro-level structures that can affect the degree to which a gender norm is embedded within a context (Mackie et al., 2015). These include:

Legal arrangements – such as laws, policies, institutions and the politics which underpin these. However, if a law or policy is not enforced, this undermines its rewarding/sanctioning ability to affect behaviour.
Cultural customs – such as traditions, taboos and trends, which can be reflected in or amplified by the media. These customs can also gain traction if they are passed down from generation to generation.
Religious doctrine – including values, morals, narratives and interpretations purported and repeated by powerful influencers, such as religious leaders.
Economic incentives – which include payments or opportunity costs for certain actions (such as a dowry payment in exchange for a daughter, or the perceived ‘cost’ of caring for the daughter if she is not married off).

The significance of these structures is highly contextual, but it has been argued that all are generally underpinned by patriarchal systems of male bias and privilege (Connell and Pearce, 2014). Figure 2 illustrates how the above structures can intersect and overlap and as a result, make certain norms more difficult to contest, negotiate and change. For example, early marriage in many contexts is deeply entrenched as there are cultural, religious and economic structures that reinforce it, as well as a lack of enforced legal sanction against it.

Unpacking the spectrum of norm entrenchment

Figure 3 illustrates an indicative spectrum of norms that range from deeply entrenched to those that are easier to shift. A number of common norms are mapped across this spectrum, along with the macro-level structures related to them. It should be noted that this is an illustrative exercise only and is not based on any particular context; rather, it aims to illustrate how and why not all norms are created equal.

Figure 3. A mapping of gender norms based on their degree of macro-level structures and associated rewards and sanctions

In a similar vein, there is also a spectrum regarding the degree to which individuals are willing to accept or contest these norms.

Unpacking the spectrum of norm acceptance

As discussed previously, an individual’s attitudes and beliefs are not always a predictor of their behaviour – people can think one thing yet do another. This ability to be conscious of a norm and the degree to which a person may accept or reject it, may be affected by their:

Level of criticality, confidence and self-efficacy, which can be facilitated or limited by education
Exposure to different norms, ideas, role models, which can also be facilitated by education intervention
Social status, power and/or economic circumstance, all of which affect the person’s ability to negotiate sanctions and thus resist a norm

Figure 4 illustrates a spectrum that spans an individual’s complete acceptance of a gender norm to their rejection of it, and the characteristics that support these outcomes. These characteristics point towards areas of intervention that could be used to prompt a change in people’s attitudes and actions, which is discussed in the following sections.

Figure 4. Spectrum of 'norm acceptance' by individuals and the factors that affect it

Entry points and pathways for shifting gender norms

Photo from 'How I made fathers in Senegal carry babies on their backs'

In a systematic review of interventions designed to shift behaviour, Stewart et al., (2021) found that there is a problematic and implicit theory of change around shifting participants' attitudes by increasing their knowledge and awareness of gender norms, and the assumption that this will then lead to behaviour change. Although knowledge and awareness are important, given the structures that entrench norms, the spectrum of acceptance amongst individuals, and the powerful reward and sanctioning mechanisms that abound, a more nuanced approach to behaviour change is required.

Figure 5 illustrates a potential pathway for change that draws on how norms operate and affect behaviour. Entry point 1 draws on the idea that a person’s beliefs and thinking can be shielded from meso-group sanctions because these do not need to be shared. Thus, if it is possible to get a person thinking critically about a norm (via strategies discussed in the next sections), such as a father questioning early marriage, this can be the starting point for changing his subsequent actions. If successful, a ‘micro-group’ of like minds may be necessary to help the father endure and not succumb to the sanctions that would be meted out if he acts outside the norm (point 2).

Eventually, when meso-group peers start to see more individuals (like the father and his micro-group) acting outside of the norm, these individuals start to take on a role modelling position, particularly if they are relatable. These individuals can also become agents of change, by actively influencing their peers with the logic or re-framing that supported them to think critically in the first instance (point 3 and 4).

Once more meso-group members start to reinforce rather than sanction the new behaviour, it starts to become the new norm (point 5). And if macro-level structures (such as laws against early marriage) are also present and enforced, this can work towards supporting and sustaining change (point 6).

It should be noted that there are additional pathways for change starting from the meso- and macro-levels; however, irrespective of entry point, the concept of providing support to individuals to overcome sanctions remains, as well as the need for a systematic analysis of all operators of the norm, which is discussed in the next section.

A robust analysis of a gender norm should underpin any intervention

Below are a set of first principles that facilitate the rigorous analyses needed for planning sensitive, thoughtful and effective interventions to change thinking, behavior and ultimately, norms. These include:

A deep contextual understanding of how power, norms and gender relations work at macro and micro levels within the context. Who are the main operators of the norm? Who are the influencers of these operators?
A thorough understanding of the norm, particularly the constellation of norms that may be involved. Where are each of the norms on the entrenchment spectrum and why? Which structures are involved? Plan for each associated norm.
Work at multiple levels. This includes working at the individual, micro-group, meso-group and macro-structural levels in order to help sustain and speed change.
Analyse operators and subjects of the norm – where do they sit on the spectrum of acceptance? Engagement should be planned for all those involved, including operators (i.e., teachers, parents, men, boys) and subjects (i.e., girls who can also be operators themselves) of the norm.
Plan for subsequent tensions when behaviour shifts. There are often unintended consequences (i.e., sanctions) that can occur when your target group starts to challenge or act outside of the norm - this is particularly the case for girls, but can also include teachers, parents, etc. Be sure to provide micro-group support to your target group and analyse all those who may sanction them. If possible, plan for shifting meso-group thinking/attitudes in order to pre-empt sanctions and backlash.
It’s not about imposing Global North values or norms onto a context – it’s about helping people scrutinise norms that they may have never questioned and facilitating supportive pathways to make change, should they choose.

Strategies to effectively shift normative thinking and actions

After conducting a systematic analysis of a norm and its operators, there are a number of techniques that can support these operators to think differently. Below is a summary of these and other strategies identified within the literature, particularly regarding education, health, violence reduction and challenging masculinities. This is not an exhaustive list, but implementing such strategies concurrently can start to shift thinking and behaviour in a robust, effective and sustainable way.

Start discussion with relatable facilitators from a peer group – to establish credibility and build trust, facilitators should be people the target group can relate to and respect. A greater number of identity markers (i.e., ethnicity, tribe, gender, class, caste, etc.) generally increases relatability.
Use positive deviant role modelling – positive deviants are people who show low sensitivity to sanctions when going against a norm and who share similar background characteristics with the target group, making them relatable and potential role models. Amplify/use these positive deviants to model new thinking and behaviour.
Do not be confrontational and welcome contestation - people will resist change if they feel forced or pressured. They also need space and time to overcome the cognitive dissonance associated with thinking and acting differently.
Reframe the norm through creating empathy - having the target group walk in other people’s shoes will help to win hearts and minds. For example, have teachers reflect on their experience of caning from childhood; or relate the feeling of injustice from racial discrimination to the injustice of gender discrimination.
Reframe the new behaviour through relatable analogies – for example, during the COVID pandemic in the UK, medical officers related lockdown measures to scoring an equaliser at the end of a football game, to great effect.
Reframe the norm through viewing it in a different context - is there a ‘positive deviant village’, school, district or country with similar circumstances, that can provide an example of different thinking and behaviour that can be modelled?
Provide practical alternatives to the norm – for example, provide alternative strategies to the dowries used to offset family poverty, or provide classroom management strategies for teachers who default to caning to manage large classes.
Show that the new norm is acceptable – show how new thinking/behaviour is still consistent with cultural or religious values. See how Musawa.org does this with Islam.
Only use data if it is valued and relatable – evidence and data, particularly generated in the Global North, may be abstract or not seen as relevant. Frame data so that it is contextual, relatable, valued and elicits a visceral response.
Ensure consistent messaging and discussion over time – one-off training or 'after thought' messaging is superficial. Consistent messaging and/or sessions are needed for reframing norms in multiple ways, multiple times.
Embed a new norm via multiple sources – messaging and role modelling of a new norm/behaviour should ideally come from multiple sources: peers, leaders, the media, celebrities, the government, etc.
Provide a group of ‘like minds’ to support new behaviour – as discussed, ensure there is a micro-group to help endure and overcome sanctions, particularly those that are financial or religious.

Next steps for tackling the social norms that affect girls’ education

Although the majority of factors that affect girls’ engagement in education are underpinned by unequal gender norms, there is a dearth of theorising, research and implementation regarding shifting these norms. This is due to the diffuse disciplinary and sectoral nature of social norms, the long-term and comprehensive effort that is required for change, and the difficulty of measuring change, particularly if it is attitudinal and has not yet manifested itself in observable behaviour.

That said, this blog has aimed to provide further theorisation, and a collation of strategies based on this theorising, in order to stimulate discussion, future research and improved interventions to shift norms. However, much more work needs to be done, including amassing concrete examples of successful reframing strategies, developing work on scaling norm interventions and measuring impact, and exploring the degree to which the theorisation and strategies in this piece apply to norms that operate outside of girls’ education, such as corruption and climate action.

Despite the work that still needs to be done, it is hoped that this blog has contributed a concrete understanding of how gender norms operate in order to support efforts to systematically, effectively and sustainably shift the often impenetrable norms that prevent marginalised girls from realising their full potential.

Written by Dr Sharon Tao, Founder and Director of Level The Field. This blog was drawn from a Level The Field working paper, which aims to stimulate dialogue and new ways of thinking around the tensions, debates and challenges facing girls’ education. See working paper for a full list of references.